|Location||Eurasia, North Africa|
The Black Death (also known as the Pestilence, the Great Mortality or the Plague) was a bubonic plague pandemic occurring in Afro-Eurasia from 1346 to 1353.[a] It is the most fatal pandemic recorded in human history, causing the death of 75–200 million people in Eurasia and North Africa, peaking in Europe from 1347 to 1351. Bubonic plague is caused by the bacterium Yersinia pestis, but it may also cause septicaemic or pneumonic plagues.
The origin of the Black Death is disputed. The pandemic originated either in Central Asia or East Asia but its first definitive appearance was in Crimea in 1347. From Crimea, it was most likely carried by fleas living on the black rats that travelled on Genoese slave ships, spreading through the Mediterranean Basin and reaching Africa, Western Asia and the rest of Europe via Constantinople, Sicily and the Italian Peninsula. There is evidence that once it came ashore, the Black Death was in large part spread by human fleas – which cause pneumonic plague – and the person-to-person contact via aerosols which pneumonic plague enables, thus explaining the very fast inland spread of the epidemic, which was faster than would be expected if the primary vector was rat fleas causing bubonic plague.
The Black Death was the second great natural disaster to strike Europe during the Late Middle Ages (the first one being the Great Famine of 1315–1317) and is estimated to have killed 30 percent to 60 percent of the European population. The plague might have reduced the world population from c. 475 million to 350���375 million in the 14th century. There were further outbreaks throughout the Late Middle Ages and, with other contributing factors (the Crisis of the Late Middle Ages), the European population did not regain its level in 1300 until 1500.[b] Outbreaks of the plague recurred around the world until the early 19th century.
European writers contemporary with the plague described the disease in Latin as pestis or pestilentia, 'pestilence'; epidemia, 'epidemic'; mortalitas, 'mortality'. In English prior to the 18th century, the event was called the "pestilence" or "great pestilence", "the plague" or the "great death". Subsequent to the pandemic "the furste moreyn" (first murrain) or "first pestilence" was applied, to distinguish the mid-14th century phenomenon from other infectious diseases and epidemics of plague. The 1347 pandemic plague was not referred to specifically as "black" in the 14th or 15th centuries in any European language, though the expression "black death" had occasionally been applied to fatal disease beforehand.
"Black death" was not used to describe the plague pandemic in English until the 1750s; the term is first attested in 1755, where it translated Danish: den sorte død, lit. 'the black death'. This expression as a proper name for the pandemic had been popularized by Swedish and Danish chroniclers in the 15th and early 16th centuries, and in the 16th and 17th centuries was transferred to other languages as a calque: Icelandic: svarti dauði, German: der schwarze Tod, and French: la mort noire. Previously, most European languages had named the pandemic a variant or calque of the Latin: magna mortalitas, lit. 'Great Death'.
The phrase 'black death' – describing Death as black – is very old. Homer used it in the Odyssey to describe the monstrous Scylla, with her mouths "full of black Death" (Ancient Greek: πλεῖοι μέλανος Θανάτοιο, romanized: pleîoi mélanos Thanátoio). Seneca the Younger may have been the first to describe an epidemic as 'black death', (Latin: mors atra) but only in reference to the acute lethality and dark prognosis of disease. The 12th–13th century French physician Gilles de Corbeil had already used atra mors to refer to a "pestilential fever" (febris pestilentialis) in his work On the Signs and Symptoms of Diseases (De signis et symptomatibus aegritudium). The phrase mors nigra, 'black death', was used in 1350 by Simon de Covino (or Couvin), a Belgian astronomer, in his poem "On the Judgement of the Sun at a Feast of Saturn" (De judicio Solis in convivio Saturni), which attributes the plague to an astrological conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn. His use of the phrase is not connected unambiguously with the plague pandemic of 1347 and appears to refer to the fatal outcome of disease.
The historian Cardinal Francis Aidan Gasquet wrote about the Great Pestilence in 1893 and suggested that it had been "some form of the ordinary Eastern or bubonic plague".[c] In 1908, Gasquet claimed that use of the name atra mors for the 14th-century epidemic first appeared in a 1631 book on Danish history by J. I. Pontanus: "Commonly and from its effects, they called it the black death" (Vulgo & ab effectu atram mortem vocitabant).
Previous plague epidemicsEdit
Recent research has suggested plague first infected humans in Europe and Asia in the Late Neolithic-Early Bronze Age. Research in 2018 found evidence of Yersinia pestis in an ancient Swedish tomb, which may have been associated with the "Neolithic decline" around 3000 BCE, in which European populations fell significantly. This Y. pestis may have been different from more modern types, with bubonic plague transmissible by fleas first known from Bronze Age remains near Samara.
The symptoms of bubonic plague are first attested in a fragment of Rufus of Ephesus preserved by Oribasius; these ancient medical authorities suggest bubonic plague had appeared in the Roman Empire before the reign of Trajan, six centuries before arriving at Pelusium in the reign of Justinian I. In 2013, researchers confirmed earlier speculation that the cause of the Plague of Justinian (541–542 CE, with recurrences until 750) was Y. pestis. This is known as the First plague pandemic.
The most authoritative contemporary account is found in a report from the medical faculty in Paris to Philip VI of France. It blamed the heavens, in the form of a conjunction of three planets in 1345 that caused a "great pestilence in the air" (miasma theory). Muslim religious scholars taught that the pandemic was a “martyrdom and mercy” from God, assuring the believer's place in paradise. For non-believers, it was a punishment. Some Muslim doctors cautioned against trying to prevent or treat a disease sent by God. Others adopted preventive measures and treatments for plague used by Europeans. These Muslim doctors also depended on the writings of the ancient Greeks.
Predominant modern theoryEdit
Due to climate change in Asia, rodents began to flee the dried-out grasslands to more populated areas, spreading the disease. The plague disease, caused by the bacterium Yersinia pestis, is enzootic (commonly present) in populations of fleas carried by ground rodents, including marmots, in various areas, including Central Asia, Kurdistan, Western Asia, North India, Uganda and the western United States.
Y. pestis was discovered by Alexandre Yersin, a pupil of Louis Pasteur, during an epidemic of bubonic plague in Hong Kong in 1894; Yersin also proved this bacillus was present in rodents and suggested the rat was the main vehicle of transmission. The mechanism by which Y. pestis is usually transmitted was established in 1898 by Paul-Louis Simond and was found to involve the bites of fleas whose midguts had become obstructed by replicating Y. pestis several days after feeding on an infected host. This blockage starves the fleas and drives them to aggressive feeding behaviour and attempts to clear the blockage by regurgitation, resulting in thousands of plague bacteria being flushed into the feeding site, infecting the host. The bubonic plague mechanism was also dependent on two populations of rodents: one resistant to the disease, which act as hosts, keeping the disease endemic, and a second that lack resistance. When the second population dies, the fleas move on to other hosts, including people, thus creating a human epidemic.
Definitive confirmation of the role of Y. pestis arrived in 2010 with a publication in PLOS Pathogens by Haensch et al.[d] They assessed the presence of DNA/RNA with polymerase chain reaction (PCR) techniques for Y. pestis from the tooth sockets in human skeletons from mass graves in northern, central and southern Europe that were associated archaeologically with the Black Death and subsequent resurgences. The authors concluded that this new research, together with prior analyses from the south of France and Germany, "ends the debate about the cause of the Black Death, and unambiguously demonstrates that Y. pestis was the causative agent of the epidemic plague that devastated Europe during the Middle Ages". In 2011, these results were further confirmed with genetic evidence derived from Black Death victims in the East Smithfield burial site in England. Schuenemann et al. concluded in 2011 "that the Black Death in medieval Europe was caused by a variant of Y. pestis that may no longer exist".
Later in 2011, Bos et al. reported in Nature the first draft genome of Y. pestis from plague victims from the same East Smithfield cemetery and indicated that the strain that caused the Black Death is ancestral to most modern strains of Y. pestis.
Since this time, further genomic papers have further confirmed the phylogenetic placement of the Y. pestis strain responsible for the Black Death as both the ancestor of later plague epidemics including the third plague pandemic and as the descendant of the strain responsible for the Plague of Justinian. In addition, plague genomes from significantly earlier in prehistory have been recovered.
It is recognised that an epidemiological account of plague is as important as an identification of symptoms, but researchers are hampered by the lack of reliable statistics from this period. Most work has been done on the spread of the disease in England, and even estimates of overall population at the start vary by over 100% as no census was undertaken in England between the time of publication of the Domesday Book of 1086 and the poll tax of the year 1377. Estimates of plague victims are usually extrapolated from figures for the clergy.
Mathematical modelling is used to match the spreading patterns and the means of transmission. A research in 2018 challenged the popular hypothesis that "infected rats died, their flea parasites could have jumped from the recently dead rat hosts to humans". It suggested an alternative model in which "the disease was spread from human fleas and body lice to other people". The second model claims to better fit the trends of death toll because the rat-flea-human hypothesis would have produced a delayed but very high spike in deaths, which contradict historical death data.
Walløe complains that all of these authors "take it for granted that Simond's infection model, black rat → rat flea → human, which was developed to explain the spread of plague in India, is the only way an epidemic of Yersinia pestis infection could spread", whilst pointing to several other possibilities. Similarly, Green has argued that greater attention is needed to the range of (especially non-commensal) animals that might be involved in the transmission of plague.
Archaeologist Barney Sloane has argued that there is insufficient evidence of the extinction of numerous rats in the archaeological record of the medieval waterfront in London and that the disease spread too quickly to support the thesis that Y. pestis was spread from fleas on rats; he argues that transmission must have been person to person. This theory is supported by research in 2018 which suggested transmission was more likely by body lice and human fleas during the second plague pandemic.
Although academic debate continues, no single alternative solution has achieved widespread acceptance. Many scholars arguing for Y. pestis as the major agent of the pandemic suggest that its extent and symptoms can be explained by a combination of bubonic plague with other diseases, including typhus, smallpox and respiratory infections. In addition to the bubonic infection, others point to additional septicaemic (a type of "blood poisoning") and pneumonic (an airborne plague that attacks the lungs before the rest of the body) forms of plague, which lengthen the duration of outbreaks throughout the seasons and help account for its high mortality rate and additional recorded symptoms. In 2014, Public Health England announced the results of an examination of 25 bodies exhumed in the Clerkenwell area of London, as well as of wills registered in London during the period, which supported the pneumonic hypothesis. Currently, while osteoarcheologists have conclusively verified the presence of Y. pestis bacteria in burial sites across northern Europe through examination of bones and dental pulp, no other epidemic pathogen has been discovered to bolster the alternative explanations. In the words of one researcher: "Finally, plague is plague."
The importance of hygiene was recognised only in the nineteenth century with the development of the germ theory of disease; until then streets were commonly filthy, with live animals of all sorts around and human parasites abounding, facilitating the spread of transmissible disease.
According to a team of medical geneticists led by Mark Achtman that analysed the genetic variation of the bacterium, Yersinia pestis "evolved in or near China", from which it spread around the world in multiple epidemics. Later research by a team led by Galina Eroshenko places the origins more specifically in the Tian Shan mountains on the border between Kyrgyzstan and China.
Nestorian graves dating to 1338–1339 near Issyk-Kul in Kyrgyzstan have inscriptions referring to plague, which has led some historians and epidemiologists to think they mark the outbreak of the epidemic. Others favour an origin in China. According to this theory, the disease may have travelled along the Silk Road with Mongol armies and traders, or it could have arrived via ship. Epidemics killed an estimated 25 million across Asia during the fifteen years before the Black Death reached Constantinople in 1347.
Research on the Delhi Sultanate and the Yuan Dynasty shows no evidence of any serious epidemic in fourteenth-century India and no specific evidence of plague in fourteenth-century China, suggesting that the Black Death may not have reached these regions. Ole Benedictow argues that since the first clear reports of the Black Death come from Kaffa, the Black Death most likely originated in the nearby plague focus on the northwestern shore of the Caspian Sea.
... But at length it came to Gloucester, yea even to Oxford and to London, and finally it spread over all England and so wasted the people that scarce the tenth person of any sort was left alive.
Plague was reportedly first introduced to Europe via Genoese traders from their port city of Kaffa in the Crimea in 1347. During a protracted siege of the city, in 1345–1346 the Mongol Golden Horde army of Jani Beg, whose mainly Tatar troops were suffering from the disease, catapulted infected corpses over the city walls of Kaffa to infect the inhabitants, though it is more likely that infected rats travelled across the siege lines to spread the epidemic to the inhabitants. As the disease took hold, Genoese traders fled across the Black Sea to Constantinople, where the disease first arrived in Europe in summer 1347.
The epidemic there killed the 13-year-old son of the Byzantine emperor, John VI Kantakouzenos, who wrote a description of the disease modelled on Thucydides's account of the 5th century BCE Plague of Athens, but noting the spread of the Black Death by ship between maritime cities. Nicephorus Gregoras also described in writing to Demetrios Kydones the rising death toll, the futility of medicine, and the panic of the citizens. The first outbreak in Constantinople lasted a year, but the disease recurred ten times before 1400.
Carried by twelve Genoese galleys, plague arrived by ship in Sicily in October 1347; the disease spread rapidly all over the island. Galleys from Kaffa reached Genoa and Venice in January 1348, but it was the outbreak in Pisa a few weeks later that was the entry point to northern Italy. Towards the end of January, one of the galleys expelled from Italy arrived in Marseilles.
From Italy, the disease spread northwest across Europe, striking France, Spain (the epidemic began to wreak havoc first on the Crown of Aragon in the spring of 1348), Portugal and England by June 1348, then spread east and north through Germany, Scotland and Scandinavia from 1348 to 1350. It was introduced into Norway in 1349 when a ship landed at Askøy, then spread to Bjørgvin (modern Bergen) and Iceland. Finally, it spread to northwestern Russia in 1351. Plague was somewhat more uncommon in parts of Europe with less developed trade with their neighbours, including the majority of the Basque Country, isolated parts of Belgium and the Netherlands, and isolated Alpine villages throughout the continent.
According to some epidemiologists, periods of unfavourable weather decimated plague-infected rodent populations and forced their fleas onto alternative hosts, inducing plague outbreaks which often peaked in the hot summers of the Mediterranean, as well as during the cool autumn months of the southern Baltic states.[e] Among many other culprits of plague contagiousness, malnutrition, even if distantly, also contributed to such an immense loss in European population, since it weakened immune systems.
Western Asian and North African outbreakEdit
The disease struck various regions in the Middle East and North Africa during the pandemic, leading to serious depopulation and permanent change in both economic and social structures. As infected rodents infected new rodents, the disease spread across the region, entering also from southern Russia.
By autumn 1347, plague had reached Alexandria in Egypt, transmitted by sea from Constantinople; according to a contemporary witness, from a single merchant ship carrying slaves. By late summer 1348 it reached Cairo, capital of the Mamluk Sultanate, cultural centre of the Islamic world, and the largest city in the Mediterranean Basin; the Bahriyya child sultan an-Nasir Hasan fled and more than a third of the 600,000 residents died. The Nile was choked with corpses despite Cairo having a medieval hospital, the late 13th century bimaristan of the Qalawun complex. The historian al-Maqrizi described the abundant work for grave-diggers and practitioners of funeral rites, and plague recurred in Cairo more than fifty times over the following century and half.
During 1347, the disease travelled eastward to Gaza by April; by July it had reached Damascus, and in October plague had broken out in Aleppo. That year, in the territory of modern Lebanon, Syria, Israel, and Palestine, the cities of Ashkelon, Acre, Jerusalem, Sidon, and Homs were all infected. In 1348–1349, the disease reached Antioch. The city's residents fled to the north, but most of them ended up dying during the journey. Within two years, the plague had spread throughout the Islamic world, from Arabia across North Africa.[page needed] The pandemic spread westwards from Alexandria along the African coast, while in April 1348 Tunis was infected by ship from Sicily. Tunis was then under attack by an army from Morocco; this army dispersed in 1348 and brought the contagion with them to Morocco, whose epidemic may also have been seeded from the Islamic city of Almería in al-Andalus.
Mecca became infected in 1348 by pilgrims performing the Hajj. In 1351 or 1352, the Rasulid sultan of the Yemen, al-Mujahid Ali, was released from Mamluk captivity in Egypt and carried plague with him on his return home. During 1348, records show the city of Mosul suffered a massive epidemic, and the city of Baghdad experienced a second round of the disease.
Signs and symptomsEdit
Symptoms of the disease include fever of 38–41 °C (100–106 °F), headaches, painful aching joints, nausea and vomiting, and a general feeling of malaise. Left untreated, of those that contract the bubonic plague, 80 percent die within eight days.
Contemporary accounts of the pandemic are varied and often imprecise. The most commonly noted symptom was the appearance of buboes (or gavocciolos) in the groin, neck, and armpits, which oozed pus and bled when opened. Boccaccio's description:
In men and women alike it first betrayed itself by the emergence of certain tumours in the groin or armpits, some of which grew as large as a common apple, others as an egg ... From the two said parts of the body this deadly gavocciolo soon began to propagate and spread itself in all directions indifferently; after which the form of the malady began to change, black spots or livid making their appearance in many cases on the arm or the thigh or elsewhere, now few and large, now minute and numerous. As the gavocciolo had been and still was an infallible token of approaching death, such also were these spots on whomsoever they showed themselves.[f]
This was followed by acute fever and vomiting of blood. Most victims died two to seven days after initial infection. Freckle-like spots and rashes, which could have been caused by flea-bites, were identified as another potential sign of plague.
Lodewijk Heyligen, whose master the Cardinal Colonna died of plague in 1348, noted a distinct form of the disease, pneumonic plague, that infected the lungs and led to respiratory problems. Symptoms include fever, cough, and blood-tinged sputum. As the disease progresses, sputum becomes free-flowing and bright red. Pneumonic plague has a mortality rate of 90 to 95 percent.
Septicaemic plague is the least common of the three forms, with a mortality rate near 100%. Symptoms are high fevers and purple skin patches (purpura due to disseminated intravascular coagulation). In cases of pneumonic and particularly septicaemic plague, the progress of the disease is so rapid that there would often be no time for the development of the enlarged lymph nodes that were noted as buboes.
There are no exact figures for the death toll; the rate varied widely by locality. In urban centres, the greater the population before the outbreak, the longer the duration of the period of abnormal mortality. It killed some 75 to 200 million people in Eurasia.[better source needed] The mortality rate of the Black Death in the 14th century was far greater than the worst 20th-century outbreaks of Y. pestis plague, which occurred in India and killed as much as 3% of the population of certain cities. The overwhelming number of deceased bodies produced by the Black Death caused the necessity of mass burial sites in Europe, sometimes including up to several hundred or several thousand skeletons. The mass burial sites that have been excavated have allowed archaeologists to continue interpreting and defining the biological, sociological, historical, and anthropological implications of the Black Death.
According to medieval historian Philip Daileader, it is likely that over four years, 45–50% of the European population died of plague.[g] Norwegian historian Ole Benedictow suggests it could have been as much as 60% of the European population.[h] In 1348, the disease spread so rapidly that before any physicians or government authorities had time to reflect upon its origins, about a third of the European population had already perished. In crowded cities, it was not uncommon for as much as 50% of the population to die. Half of Paris' population of 100,000 people died. In Italy, the population of Florence was reduced from between 110,000 and 120,000 inhabitants in 1338 down to 50,000 in 1351. At least 60% of the population of Hamburg and Bremen perished, and a similar percentage of Londoners may have died from the disease as well, with a death toll of approximately 62,000 between 1346 and 1353.[i] Florence's tax records suggest that 80% of the city's population died within four months in 1348. Before 1350, there were about 170,000 settlements in Germany, and this was reduced by nearly 40,000 by 1450. The disease bypassed some areas, with the most isolated areas being less vulnerable to contagion. Plague did not appear in Douai in Flanders until the turn of the 15th century, and the impact was less severe on the populations of Hainaut, Finland, northern Germany, and areas of Poland. Monks, nuns, and priests were especially hard-hit since they cared for victims of the Black Death.
The physician to the Avignon Papacy, Raimundo Chalmel de Vinario (Latin: Magister Raimundus, lit. 'Master Raymond'), observed the decreasing mortality rate of successive outbreaks of plague in 1347–48, 1362, 1371, and 1382 in his 1382 treatise On Epidemics (De epidemica). In the first outbreak, two thirds of the population contracted the illness and most patients died; in the next, half the population became ill but only some died; by the third, a tenth were affected and many survived; while by the fourth occurrence, only one in twenty people were sickened and most of them survived. By the 1380s in Europe, it predominantly affected children. Chalmel de Vinario recognized that bloodletting was ineffective (though he continued to prescribe bleeding for members of the Roman Curia, whom he disliked), and claimed that all true cases of plague were caused by astrological factors and were incurable; he himself was never able to effect a cure.
The most widely accepted estimate for the Middle East, including Iraq, Iran, and Syria, during this time, is for a death toll of about a third of the population. The Black Death killed about 40% of Egypt's population. In Cairo, with a population numbering as many as 600,000, and possibly the largest city west of China, between one third and 40% of the inhabitants died inside of eight months.
Father abandoned child, wife husband, one brother another; for this illness seemed to strike through the breath and sight. And so they died. And none could be found to bury the dead for money or friendship. Members of a household brought their dead to a ditch as best they could, without priest, without divine offices ... great pits were dug and piled deep with the multitude of dead. And they died by the hundreds both day and night ... And as soon as those ditches were filled more were dug ... And I, Agnolo di Tura ... buried my five children with my own hands. And there were also those who were so sparsely covered with earth that the dogs dragged them forth and devoured many bodies throughout the city. There was no one who wept for any death, for all awaited death. And so many died that all believed it was the end of the world.
With such a large population decline from the pandemic, wages soared in response to a labour shortage. On the other hand, in the quarter century after the Black Death in England, it is clear many labourers, artisans, and craftsmen, those living from money-wages alone, did suffer a reduction in real incomes owing to rampant inflation. Landowners were also pushed to substitute monetary rents for labour services in an effort to keep tenants.
Renewed religious fervour and fanaticism bloomed in the wake of the Black Death. Some Europeans targeted "various groups such as Jews, friars, foreigners, beggars, pilgrims", lepers, and Romani, blaming them for the crisis. Lepers, and others with skin diseases such as acne or psoriasis, were killed throughout Europe.
Because 14th-century healers and governments were at a loss to explain or stop the disease, Europeans turned to astrological forces, earthquakes, and the poisoning of wells by Jews as possible reasons for outbreaks. Many believed the epidemic was a punishment by God for their sins, and could be relieved by winning God's forgiveness.
There were many attacks against Jewish communities. In the Strasbourg massacre of February 1349, about 2,000 Jews were murdered. In August 1349, the Jewish communities in Mainz and Cologne were annihilated. By 1351, 60 major and 150 smaller Jewish communities had been destroyed. During this period many Jews relocated to Poland, where they received a warm welcome from King Casimir the Great.
One theory that has been advanced is that the devastation in Florence caused by the Black Death, which hit Europe between 1348 and 1350, resulted in a shift in the world view of people in 14th-century Italy and led to the Renaissance. Italy was particularly badly hit by the pandemic, and it has been speculated that the resulting familiarity with death caused thinkers to dwell more on their lives on Earth, rather than on spirituality and the afterlife.[j] It has also been argued that the Black Death prompted a new wave of piety, manifested in the sponsorship of religious works of art.
This does not fully explain why the Renaissance occurred in Italy in the 14th century. The Black Death was a pandemic that affected all of Europe in the ways described, not only Italy. The Renaissance's emergence in Italy was most likely the result of the complex interaction of the above factors, in combination with an influx of Greek scholars following the fall of the Byzantine Empire. As a result of the drastic reduction in the populace the value of the working class increased, and commoners came to enjoy more freedom. To answer the increased need for labour, workers travelled in search of the most favorable position economically.[better source needed]
Prior to the emergence of the Black Death, the workings of Europe were run by the Catholic Church and the continent was considered a feudalistic society, composed of fiefs and city-states. The pandemic completely restructured both religion and political forces; survivors began to turn to other forms of spirituality and the power dynamics of the fiefs and city-states crumbled.
Cairo's population, partly owing to the numerous plague epidemics, was in the early 18th century half of what it was in 1347. The populations of some Italian cities, notably Florence, did not regain their pre-14th century size until the 19th century. The demographic decline due to the pandemic had economic consequences: the prices of food dropped and land values declined by 30–40% in most parts of Europe between 1350 and 1400. Landholders faced a great loss, but for ordinary men and women it was a windfall. The survivors of the pandemic found not only that the prices of food were lower but also that lands were more abundant, and many of them inherited property from their dead relatives, and this probably destabilized feudalism.
The word "quarantine" has its roots in this period, though the concept of isolating people to prevent the spread of disease is older. In the city-state of Ragusa (modern Dubrovnik, Croatia), a thirty-day isolation period was implemented in 1377 for new arrivals to the city from plague-affected areas. The isolation period was later extended to forty days, and given the name "quarantino" from the Italian word for "forty".
Second plague pandemicEdit
The plague repeatedly returned to haunt Europe and the Mediterranean throughout the 14th to 17th centuries. According to Jean-Noël Biraben, the plague was present somewhere in Europe in every year between 1346 and 1671. (Note that some researchers have cautions about the uncritical use of Biraben's data.) The second pandemic was particularly widespread in the following years: 1360–63; 1374; 1400; 1438–39; 1456–57; 1464–66; 1481–85; 1500–03; 1518–31; 1544–48; 1563–66; 1573–88; 1596–99; 1602–11; 1623–40; 1644–54; and 1664–67. Subsequent outbreaks, though severe, marked the retreat from most of Europe (18th century) and northern Africa (19th century). The historian George Sussman argued that the plague had not occurred in East Africa until the 1900s. However, other sources suggest that the Second pandemic did indeed reach Sub-Saharan Africa.
According to historian Geoffrey Parker, "France alone lost almost a million people to the plague in the epidemic of 1628–31." In the first half of the 17th century, a plague claimed some 1.7 million victims in Italy. More than 1.25 million deaths resulted from the extreme incidence of plague in 17th-century Spain.
The Black Death ravaged much of the Islamic world. Plague was present in at least one location in the Islamic world virtually every year between 1500 and 1850. Plague repeatedly struck the cities of North Africa. Algiers lost 30,000–50,000 inhabitants to it in 1620–21, and again in 1654–57, 1665, 1691, and 1740–42. Cairo suffered more than fifty plague epidemics within 150 years from the plague's first appearance, with the final outbreak of the second pandemic there in the 1840s. Plague remained a major event in Ottoman society until the second quarter of the 19th century. Between 1701 and 1750, thirty-seven larger and smaller epidemics were recorded in Constantinople, and an additional thirty-one between 1751 and 1800. Baghdad has suffered severely from visitations of the plague, and sometimes two-thirds of its population has been wiped out.
Third plague pandemicEdit
The third plague pandemic (1855–1859) started in China in the mid-19th century, spreading to all inhabited continents and killing 10 million people in India alone. The investigation of the pathogen that caused the 19th-century plague was begun by teams of scientists who visited Hong Kong in 1894, among whom was the French-Swiss bacteriologist Alexandre Yersin, after whom the pathogen was named.
Twelve plague outbreaks in Australia between 1900 and 1925 resulted in well over 1,000 deaths, chiefly in Sydney. This led to the establishment of a Public Health Department there which undertook some leading-edge research on plague transmission from rat fleas to humans via the bacillus Yersinia pestis.
Modern treatment methods include insecticides, the use of antibiotics, and a plague vaccine. It is feared that the plague bacterium could develop drug resistance and again become a major health threat. One case of a drug-resistant form of the bacterium was found in Madagascar in 1995. A further outbreak in Madagascar was reported in November 2014. In October 2017 the deadliest outbreak of the plague in modern times hit Madagascar, killing 170 people and infecting thousands.
In popular cultureEdit
- A Journal of the Plague Year – 1722 book by Daniel Defoe describing the Great Plague of London of 1665–1666
- Black Death – a 2010 action horror film set in medieval England in 1348
- I promessi sposi ("The Betrothed") – a plague novel by Alessandro Manzoni, set in Milan, and published in 1827; turned into an opera by Amilcare Ponchielli in 1856, and adapted for film in 1908, 1941, 1990, and 2004
- Cronaca fiorentina ("Chronicle of Florence") – a literary history of the plague, and of Florence up to 1386, by Baldassarre Bonaiuti
- Danse Macabre ("Dance of Death") – an artistic genre of allegory of the Late Middle Ages on the universality of death
- The Decameron – by Giovanni Boccaccio, finished in 1353. Tales told by a group of people sheltering from the Black Death in Florence. Numerous adaptations to other media have been made
- Doomsday Book – a 1992 science fiction novel by Connie Willis
- A Feast in Time of Plague – a verse play by Aleksandr Pushkin (1830), made into an opera by César Cui in 1900
- Four thieves vinegar – a popular French legend supposed to provide immunity to the plague
- Geisslerlieder – Medieval "flagellant songs"
- "A Litany in Time of Plague" – a sonnet by Thomas Nashe which was part of his play Summer's Last Will and Testament (1592)
- The Plague – a 1947 novel by Albert Camus, often read as an allegory about Fascism
- The Seventh Seal – a 1957 film written and directed by Ingmar Bergman
- World Without End – a 2007 novel by Ken Follett, turned into a miniseries of the same name in 2012
- The Years of Rice and Salt – an alternative history novel by Kim Stanley Robinson set in a world in which the plague killed virtually all Europeans
- Second plague pandemic
- Black Death in medieval culture
- Black Death in England
- Crisis of the Late Middle Ages
- Globalization and disease
- List of epidemics
- Timeline of plague
- Other names include Great Mortality (Latin: magna mortalitas, lit. 'Great Death', common in the 14th century), atra mors, 'black death', the Great Plague, the Great Bubonic Plague or the Black Plague.
- Declining temperatures following the end of the Medieval Warm Period added to the crisis
- He was able to adopt the epidemiology of the bubonic plague for the Black Death for the second edition in 1908, implicating rats and fleas in the process, and his interpretation was widely accepted for other ancient and medieval epidemics, such as the Plague of Justinian that was prevalent in the Eastern Roman Empire from 541 to 700 CE.
- In 1998, Drancourt et al. reported the detection of Y. pestis DNA in human dental pulp from a medieval grave. Another team led by Tom Gilbert cast doubt on this identification and the techniques employed, stating that this method "does not allow us to confirm the identification of Y. pestis as the aetiological agent of the Black Death and subsequent plagues. In addition, the utility of the published tooth-based ancient DNA technique used to diagnose fatal bacteraemias in historical epidemics still awaits independent corroboration".
- However, other researchers do not think that plague ever became endemic in Europe or its rat population. The disease repeatedly wiped out the rodent carriers, so that the fleas died out until a new outbreak from Central Asia repeated the process. The outbreaks have been shown to occur roughly 15 years after a warmer and wetter period in areas where plague is endemic in other species, such as gerbils.
- The only medical detail that is questionable in Boccaccio's description is that the gavocciolo was an "infallible token of approaching death", as, if the bubo discharges, recovery is possible.
- According to medieval historian Philip Daileader,
The trend of recent research is pointing to a figure more like 45–50% of the European population dying during a four-year period. There is a fair amount of geographic variation. In Mediterranean Europe, areas such as Italy, the south of France and Spain, where plague ran for about four years consecutively, it was probably closer to 75–80% of the population. In Germany and England ... it was probably closer to 20%.
- Norwegian historian Ole Benedictow suggests:
Detailed study of the mortality data available points to two conspicuous features in relation to the mortality caused by the Black Death: namely the extreme level of mortality caused by the Black Death, and the remarkable similarity or consistency of the level of mortality, from Spain in southern Europe to England in north-western Europe. The data is sufficiently widespread and numerous to make it likely that the Black Death swept away around 60% of Europe's population. The generally assumed population of Europe at the time is about 80 million, implying that around 50 million people died in the Black Death.
- While contemporary accounts report mass burial pits being created in response to the large number of dead, recent scientific investigations of a burial pit in Central London found well-preserved individuals to be buried in isolated, evenly spaced graves, suggesting at least some pre-planning and Christian burials at this time.
- The Black Death caused greater upheaval to Florence's social and political structure than later epidemics. Despite a significant number of deaths among members of the ruling classes, the government of Florence continued to function during this period. Formal meetings of elected representatives were suspended during the height of the epidemic due to the chaotic conditions in the city, but a small group of officials was appointed to conduct the affairs of the city, which ensured continuity of government.
- Sources for deaths
- Gould & Pyle 1896, p. 617
- ABC/Reuters (29 January 2008). "Black death 'discriminated' between victims (ABC News in Science)". Australian Broadcasting Corporation. Archived from the original on 20 December 2016. Retrieved 3 November 2008.
- "Black Death's Gene Code Cracked". Wired. 3 October 2001. Archived from the original on 26 April 2015. Retrieved 12 February 2015.
- "Health: De-coding the Black Death". BBC. 3 October 2001. Archived from the original on 7 July 2017. Retrieved 3 November 2008.
- Aberth 2010
- Deleo & Hinnebusch 2005, pp. 927–28
- "Economic life after Covid-19: Lessons from the Black Death". The Economic Times. 29 March 2020.
- Haensch et al. 2010.
- "Plague". World Health Organization. October 2017. Archived from the original on 24 April 2015. Retrieved 8 November 2017.
- Firth, John (April 2012). "The History of Plague – Part 1. The Three Great Pandemics". jmvh.org. Archived from the original on 2 October 2019. Retrieved 14 November 2019.
- Sources for origins
- Hollingsworth, Julia. "Black Death in China: A history of plagues, from ancient times to now". CNN. Archived from the original on 6 March 2020. Retrieved 24 March 2020.
- Benedictow 2004, pp. 50–51
- Bramanti et al. 2016, pp. 1–26
- Wade, Nicholas (31 October 2010). "Europe's Plagues Came From China, Study Finds". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Archived from the original on 4 November 2010. Retrieved 1 March 2020.
- "Black Death | Causes, Facts, and Consequences". Encyclopædia Britannica. Archived from the original on 9 July 2019. Retrieved 1 March 2020.
- Sussman 2011
- Snowden 2019, pp. 49–53.
- Aberth 2010, pp. 9–13.
- Austin Alchon 2003, p. 21.
- Howard, Jenny (6 July 2020). "Plague was one of history's deadliest diseases – then we found a cure". National Geographic.
- "Historical Estimates of World Population". Census.gov. Archived from the original on 2 May 2019. Retrieved 28 April 2019.
- Galens, July; Knight, Judson (2001). "The Late Middle Ages". Middle Ages Reference Library. Gale. 1. Retrieved 15 May 2020.
- "Black Death, n.", Oxford English Dictionary Online (3rd ed.), Oxford University Press, 2011, retrieved 11 April 2020
- Bennett & Hollister 2006, p. 326.
- John of Fordun's Scotichronicon ("there was a great pestilence and mortality of men") Horrox 1994, p. 84
- Pontoppidan, Erich (1755). The Natural History of Norway: …. London: A. Linde. p. 24. From p. 24: "Norway, indeed, cannot be said to be entirely exempt from pestilential distempers, for the Black-death, known all over Europe by its terrible ravages, from the years 1348 to 50, was felt here as in other parts, and to the great diminution of the number of the inhabitants."
- d'Irsay, Stephen (1926). "Notes to the Origin of the Expression: ≪ Atra Mors ≫". Isis. 8 (2): 328–32. doi:10.1086/358397. ISSN 0021-1753. JSTOR 223649. S2CID 147317779.
- The German physician Justus Friedrich Karl Hecker (1795–1850) cited the phrase in Icelandic (Svarti Dauði), Danish (den sorte Dod), etc. See: J. F. C. Hecker, Der schwarze Tod im vierzehnten Jahrhundert [The Black Death in the Fourteenth Century] (Berlin, (Germany): Friedr. Aug. Herbig, 1832), p. 3. Archived 29 April 2016 at the Wayback Machine
- Homer, Odyssey, XII, 92.
- Seneca, Oedipus, 164–70.
- de Corbeil, Gilles (1907) . Valentin, Rose (ed.). Egidii Corboliensis Viaticus: De signis et symptomatibus aegritudium. Bibliotheca scriptorum medii aevi Teubneriana (in Latin). Harvard University: In aedibus B.G. Teubneri.
- On page 22 of the manuscript in Gallica Archived 6 October 2016 at the Wayback Machine, Simon mentions the phrase "mors nigra" (Black Death): "Cum rex finisset oracula judiciorum / Mors nigra surrexit, et gentes reddidit illi;" (When the king ended the oracles of judgment / Black Death arose, and the nations surrendered to him;).
- A more legible copy of the poem appears in: Emile Littré (1841) "Opuscule relatif à la peste de 1348, composé par un contemporain" Archived 22 July 2014 at the Wayback Machine (Work concerning the plague of 1348, composed by a contemporary), Bibliothèque de l'école des chartes, 2 (2) : 201–43; see especially p. 228.
- See also: Joseph Patrick Byrne, The Black Death (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 2004), p. 1. Archived 26 April 2016 at the Wayback Machine
- Gasquet 1893.
- Christakos et al. 2005, pp. 110–14.
- Gasquet 1908, p. 7.
- Johan Isaksson Pontanus, Rerum Danicarum Historia ... (Amsterdam (Netherlands): Johann Jansson, 1631), p. 476. Archived 4 May 2016 at the Wayback Machine
- "Plague Backgrounder". Avma.org. Archived from the original on 16 May 2008. Retrieved 3 November 2008.
- Andrades Valtueña et al. 2017.
- Zhang, Sarah, "An Ancient Case of the Plague Could Rewrite History Archived 13 November 2019 at the Wayback Machine", The Atlantic, December 6, 2018
- Rascovan et al. 2018.
- Spyrou et al. 2018.
- Green 2014, pp. 31ff.
- "Modern lab reaches across the ages to resolve plague DNA debate". phys.org. 20 May 2013. Archived from the original on 27 July 2019. Retrieved 22 March 2020.
- Maria Cheng (28 January 2014). "Plague DNA found in ancient teeth shows medieval Black Death, 1,500-year pandemic caused by same disease". National Post. Archived from the original on 29 January 2014. Retrieved 22 March 2020.
- Horrox 1994, p. 159.
- Kelly 2005.
- al-Asqalani, Ibn Hajar (852/1449). Badhl aI-md'On fi fadi at-ld'an. Cairo. Check date values in:
- Legan, Joseph A., "The medical response to the Black Death" (2015). Senior Honors Projects, 2010–current. 103. https://commons.lib.jmu.edu/honors201019/103
- Tignor et al. 2014, p. 407.
- Ziegler 1998, p. 25.
- "Maps and Statistics: Plague in the United States". Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. 25 November 2019.
- Arrizabalaga 2010.
- Yersin, Alexandre (1894). "La peste bubonique a Hong-Kong". Annales de l'Institut Pasteur: Journal de microbiologie. 8 (9): 662–67. ISSN 0020-2444 – via Gallica.
- Drancourt M, Aboudharam G, Signoli M, Dutour O, Raoult D (1998). "Detection of 400-year-old Yersinia pestis DNA in human dental pulp: an approach to the diagnosis of ancient septicemia". Proc Natl Acad Sci U S A. 95 (21): 12637–40. Bibcode:1998PNAS...9512637D. doi:10.1073/pnas.95.21.12637. PMC 22883. PMID 9770538.
- Gilbert et al. 2004.
- Bos 2011.
- Spyrou et al. 2019.
- Wagner et al. 2014.
- Rasmussen et al. 2015.
- Thorpe, Vanessa (29 March 2014). "Black death was not spread by rat fleas, say researchers". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 30 March 2014. Retrieved 29 March 2014.
- Morgan, James (30 March 2014). "Black Death skeletons unearthed by Crossrail project". BBC News. Archived from the original on 25 December 2017. Retrieved 20 August 2017.
- Ziegler 1998, p. 233.
- Ben Guarino (16 January 2018). "The classic explanation for the Black Death plague is wrong, scientists say". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on 22 January 2018. Retrieved 2 April 2020.
- Rachel Rettner (17 January 2018). "Rats May Not Be to Blame for Spreading the 'Black Death'". Live Science.
- Walløe 2008, p. 69.
- M. Kennedy (2011). "Black Death study lets rats off the hook". The Guardian. London. ISBN 978-0-7524-2829-1. Archived from the original on 27 August 2013. Retrieved 14 December 2016.
- Sloane 2011.
- Dean et al. 2018.
- Byrne 2004, pp. 21–29
- Snowden 2019, pp. 50–51.
- "Erratum to: The Path to Pistoia: Urban Hygiene Before the Black Death". Past & Present. 14 November 2019. doi:10.1093/pastj/gtz060. ISSN 0031-2746.
- Wade, Nicholas (31 October 2010). "Europe's Plagues Came From China, Study Finds". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 4 November 2010. Retrieved 25 March 2020.
The great waves of plague that twice devastated Europe and changed the course of history had their origins in China, a team of medical geneticists reported Sunday, as did a third plague outbreak that struck less harmfully in the 19th century. ... In the issue of Nature Genetics published online Sunday, they conclude that all three of the great waves of plague originated from China, where the root of their tree is situated. ... The likely origin of the plague in China has nothing to do with its people or crowded cities, Dr. Achtman said. The bacterium has no interest in people, whom it slaughters by accident. Its natural hosts are various species of rodent such as marmots and voles, which are found throughout China.
- Morelli et al. 2010.
- Galina Eroshenko et al. (2017) “Yersinia Pestis Strains of Ancient Phylogenetic Branch 0.ANT Are Widely Spread in the High-Mountain Plague Foci of Kyrgyzstan,” PLoS ONE, XII (e0187230); discussed in Philip Slavin, "Death by the Lake: Mortality Crisis in Early Fourteenth-Century Central Asia", Journal of Interdisciplinary History 50/1 (Summer 2019): 59–90. https://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/abs/10.1162/jinh_a_01376
- See discussion in Philip Slavin, "Death by the Lake: Mortality Crisis in Early Fourteenth-Century Central Asia", Journal of Interdisciplinary History 50/1 (Summer 2019): 59–90. https://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/abs/10.1162/jinh_a_01376
- Moore, Malcolm (1 November 2010). "Black Death may have originated in China". The Daily Telegraph. Archived from the original on 18 October 2017. Retrieved 2 April 2018.
- Kohn, George C. (2008). Encyclopedia of plague and pestilence: from ancient times to the present. Infobase Publishing. p. 31. ISBN 978-0-8160-6935-4. Archived from the original on 31 March 2019. Retrieved 16 October 2015.
- Hecker 1859, p. 21 cited by Ziegler, p. 15.
- Sussman 2011.
- Benedictow 2004, p. 48-49.
- Benedictow 2004, p. 50-51.
- Geoffrey, Baker (1847) . Gilles, John Allen (ed.). Galfridi Le Baker de Swinbroke, Chronicon Angliae temporibus Edwardi II et Edwardi III (in Latin and English). Londini: apud Jacobum Bohn. LCCN 08014593. OL 6996785M. Archived from the original on 3 August 2008 – via Internet Archive.
- Wheelis 2002.
- Barras & Greub 2014"In the Middle Ages, a famous although controversial example is offered by the siege of Caffa (now Feodossia in Ukraine/Crimea), a Genovese outpost on the Black Sea coast, by the Mongols. In 1346, the attacking army experienced an epidemic of bubonic plague. The Italian chronicler Gabriele de’ Mussi, in his Istoria de Morbo sive Mortalitate quae fuit Anno Domini 1348, describes quite plausibly how plague was transmitted by the Mongols by throwing diseased cadavers with catapults into the besieged city, and how ships transporting Genovese soldiers, fleas and rats fleeing from there brought it to the Mediterranean ports. Given the highly complex epidemiology of plague, this interpretation of the Black Death (which might have killed >25 million people in the following years throughout Europe) as stemming from a specific and localized origin of the Black Death remains controversial. Similarly, it remains doubtful whether the effect of throwing infected cadavers could have been the sole cause of the outburst of an epidemic in the besieged city."
- Byrne, Joseph Patrick (2012). "Caffa (Kaffa, Fyodosia), Ukraine". Encyclopedia of the Black Death. Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO. p. 65. ISBN 978-1-59884-253-1.
- Byrne, Joseph Patrick. (2012). "Constantinople/Istanbul". Encyclopedia of the Black Death. Santa Barbara, California.: ABC-CLIO. p. 87. ISBN 978-1-59884-254-8. OCLC 769344478.
- Michael of Piazza (Platiensis) Bibliotheca scriptorum qui res in Sicilia gestas retulere Vol 1, p. 562, cited in Ziegler, 1998, p. 40.
- De Smet, Vol II, Breve Chronicon, p. 15.
- "The Black Death: The Greatest Catastrophe Ever". English. Archived from the original on 19 November 2019. Retrieved 18 November 2019.
- Karlsson 2000, p. 111.
- Zuchora-Walske 2013.
- Welford & Bossak 2010.
- Curtis DR, Roosen J. The sex-selective impact of the Black Death and recurring plagues in the Southern Netherlands, 1349–1450. Am J Phys Anthropol. 2017;164:246–59. https://doi.org/10.1002/ajpa.23266
- Samia et al. 2011.
- Cohn 2008.
- Stefan Kroll, Kersten Krüger (2004). LIT Verlag Berlin. ISBN 3-8258-8778-2
- Baggaley, Kate (24 February 2015). "Bubonic plague was a serial visitor in European Middle Ages". Science News. Archived from the original on 24 February 2015. Retrieved 24 February 2015.
- Schmid 2015.
- Baten, Joerg; Koepke, Nikola (2005). "The Biological Standard of Living in Europe during the Last Two Millennia". European Review of Economic History. 9 (1): 61–95. doi:10.1017/S1361491604001388. hdl:10419/47594 – via EBSCO.
- Green 2018.
- Byrne, Joseph Patrick (2012). Encyclopedia of the Black Death. Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO. p. 51. ISBN 978-1-59884-253-1.
- Byrne, Joseph Patrick. (2012). "Cairo, Egypt". Encyclopedia of the Black Death. Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO. pp. 65–66. ISBN 978-1-59884-254-8. OCLC 769344478.
- "An Economic History of the World since 1400". English. Archived from the original on 25 July 2018. Retrieved 23 May 2018.
- Sadek, Noha (2006). "Rasulids". In Meri, Josef (ed.). Medieval Islamic Civilization: An Encyclopedia – Volume II: L–Z. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-351-66813-2.
- R. Totaro Suffering in Paradise: The Bubonic Plague in English Literature from More to Milton (Pittsburgh: Duquesne University Press, 2005), p. 26
- Giovanni Boccaccio (1351), Decameron
- Mark, Joshua J. (3 April 2020). "Boccaccio on the Black Death: Text & Commentary". World History Encyclopedia.
- Ziegler 1998, pp. 18–19.
- D. Herlihy, The Black Death and the Transformation of the West (Harvard University Press: Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1997), p. 29.
- Byrne 2004, p. 8.
- Olea Ricardo A.; Christakos G. (2005). "Duration assessment of urban mortality for the 14th century Black Death epidemic". Human Biology. 77 (3): 291–303. doi:10.1353/hub.2005.0051. PMID 16392633. S2CID 5993227.
- ABC/Reuters (29 January 2008). "Black death 'discriminated' between victims (ABC News in Science)". Australian Broadcasting Corporation. Archived from the original on 20 December 2016. Retrieved 3 November 2008.
- "Black Death's Gene Code Cracked". Wired. 3 October 2001. Archived from the original on 26 April 2015. Retrieved 12 February 2015.
- "Health. De-coding the Black Death". BBC. 3 October 2001. Archived from the original on 7 July 2017. Retrieved 3 November 2008.
- Cohn, Samuel K. (2010). "Black Death, social and economic impact of the". In Bjork, Robert E. (ed.). The Oxford Dictionary of the Middle Ages. Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/acref/9780198662624.001.0001. ISBN 978-0-19-866262-4.
- Antoine, Daniel (2008). "5 The Archaeology of "Plague"". Medical History. 52 (S27): 101–114. doi:10.1017/S0025727300072112. ISSN 0025-7273. S2CID 16241962.
- Philip Daileader, The Late Middle Ages, audio/video course produced by The Teaching Company, (2007) ISBN 978-1-59803-345-8.
- Ole J. Benedictow, "The Black Death: The Greatest Catastrophe Ever", History Today Volume 55 Issue 3 March 2005 (Archived 3 November 2016 at the Wayback Machine). Cf. Benedictow, The Black Death 1346–1353: The Complete History, Boydell Press (2012), pp. 380ff.[ISBN missing]
- Snell, Melissa (2006). "The Great Mortality". Historymedren.about.com. Archived from the original on 10 March 2009. Retrieved 19 April 2009.
- Dick et al. 2015.
- Richard Wunderli (1992). Peasant Fires: The Drummer of Niklashausen. Indiana University Press. p. 52. ISBN 978-0-253-36725-9.
- Bennett & Hollister 2006, p. 329.
- Byrne, Joseph Patrick (2012). "Vinario, Raimundo Chalmel de (Magister Raimundus; Chalmelli; Chalin; d. after 1382)". Encyclopedia of the Black Death. Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO. p. 354. ISBN 978-1-59884-253-1.
- Kathryn Jean Lopez (14 September 2005). "Q&A with John Kelly on The Great Mortality on National Review Online". Nationalreview.com. Archived from the original on 16 February 2012. Retrieved 9 November 2016.
- Egypt – Major Cities Archived 17 January 2013 at the Wayback Machine, U.S. Library of Congress
- Plague readings Archived 29 August 2008 at the Wayback Machine from P. M. Rogers, Aspects of Western Civilization, Prentice Hall, 2000, pp. 353–65.
- Scheidel 2017, pp. 292–93, 304.
- Munro 2004, p. 352.
- "Black Death | Causes, Facts, and Consequences". Encyclopædia Britannica. Archived from the original on 9 July 2019. Retrieved 26 November 2019.
- "Europe's chill linked to disease". 27 February 2006. Archived from the original on 27 April 2006. Retrieved 28 February 2006.
- Nirenberg 1998.
- Moore 1987.
- "Black Death". history.com. 2010. Archived from the original on 8 December 2013. Retrieved 29 November 2017.
- Black Death Archived 4 August 2011 at the Wayback Machine, Jewishencyclopedia.com
- "Jewish History 1340–1349" Archived 2 November 2007 at the Wayback Machine.
- Gottfried 2010, p. 74.
- Tuchman 1978.
- Hatty & Hatty 1999, p. 89.
- The End of Europe's Middle Ages: The Black Death Archived March 9, 2013, at the Wayback Machine University of Calgary website. (Retrieved on April 5, 2007)
- Brotton 2006.
- Netzley 1998.
- Garrett, Laurie (2005). "The Black Death". HIV and National Security: 17–19.
- "Medieval Life | Boundless World History". courses.lumenlearning.com. Retrieved 3 December 2020.
- Nauert 2006, p. 106.
- Hause, S. & Maltby, W. (2001). A History of European Society. Essentials of Western Civilization (Vol. 2, p. 217). Belmont, CA: Thomson Learning, Inc.
- "Black Death: The lasting impact". BBC.
- Haddock & Kiesling 2002.
- Sehdev PS (2002). "The Origin of Quarantine". Clinical Infectious Diseases. 35 (9): 1071–72. doi:10.1086/344062. PMID 12398064.
- Porter 2009, p. 25.
- Hays 1998, p. 58.
- Roosen & Curtis 2018.
- Hays 2005, p. 46.
- Parker 2001, p. 7.
- Karl Julius Beloch, Bevölkerungsgeschichte Italiens, volume 3, pp. 359–60.
- Payne 1973, Chapter 15: The Seventeenth-Century Decline.
- "The Islamic World to 1600: The Mongol Invasions (The Black Death)". Ucalgary.ca. Archived from the original on 21 July 2009. Retrieved 10 December 2011.
- Byrne, Joseph Patrick (2008). Encyclopedia of Pestilence, Pandemics, and Plagues: A–M. ABC-CLIO. p. 519. ISBN 978-0-313-34102-1.
- Davis 2004.
- Université de Strasbourg; Institut de turcologie, Université de Strasbourg; Institut d'études turques, Association pour le développement des études turques (1998). Turcica. Éditions Klincksieck. p. 198.
- Issawi 1988, p. 99.
- Infectious Diseases: Plague Through History Archived 17 August 2008 at the Wayback Machine, sciencemag.org
- Bubonic Plague comes to Sydney in 1900 Archived 10 February 2012 at the Wayback Machine, University of Sydney, Sydney Medical School
- Chase 2004.
- Echenberg 2007.
- Kraut 1995.
- Drug-resistant plague a 'major threat', say scientists Archived 19 July 2012 at the Wayback Machine, SciDev.Net.
- "Plague – Madagascar". World Health Organisation. 21 November 2014. Archived from the original on 2 May 2019. Retrieved 26 November 2014.
- Wexler, Alexandra; Antoy, Amir (16 November 2017). "Madagascar Wrestles With Worst Outbreak of Plague in Half a Century". Wall Street Journal. ISSN 0099-9660. Archived from the original on 17 November 2017. Retrieved 17 November 2017.
- Centers for Disease Control (CDC) (24 September 2015). "FAQ: Plague". Archived from the original on 30 March 2019. Retrieved 24 April 2017.
- Aberth, John (2010) . From the Brink of the Apocalypse: Confronting Famine, War, Plague and Death in the Later Middle Ages (second ed.). Routledge. ISBN 978-1134724802.
- Andrades Valtueña, Aida; Mittnik, Alissa; Key, Felix M.; Haak, Wolfgang; Allmäe, Raili; Belinskij, Andrej; Daubaras, Mantas; Feldman, Michal; Jankauskas, Rimantas; Janković, Ivor; Massy, Ken (2017). "The Stone Age Plague and Its Persistence in Eurasia". Current Biology. 27 (23): 3683–3691.e8. doi:10.1016/j.cub.2017.10.025. PMID 29174893.
- Arrizabalaga, Jon (2010). "Plague and epidemics". In Bjork, Robert E. (ed.). The Oxford Dictionary of the Middle Ages. Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/acref/9780198662624.001.0001. ISBN 978-0-19-866262-4.
- Austin Alchon, Suzanne (2003). A pest in the land: new world epidemics in a global perspective. University of New Mexico Press. ISBN 978-0-8263-2871-7.
- Barras, Vincent; Greub, Gilbert (2014). "History of biological warfare and bioterrorism". Clinical Microbiology and Infection. 20 (6): 498. doi:10.1111/1469-0691.12706. PMID 24894605.
- Benedictow, Ole Jørgen (2004). Black Death 1346–1353: The Complete History. ISBN 978-1-84383-214-0.
- Bennett, J. M.; Hollister, C. W. (2006). Medieval Europe: A Short History. New York: McGraw-Hill. ISBN 978-0072955156.
- Bos, KI; Schuenemann, VJ; Golding, GB; Burbano, HA; Waglechner, N; Coombes, BK; McPhee, JB; DeWitte, SN; Meyer, M; Schmedes, S; Wood, J; Earn, DJ; Herring, DA; Bauer, P; Poinar, HN; Krause, J (2011). "A draft genome of Yersinia pestis from victims of the Black Death". Nature. 478 (7370): 506–10. Bibcode:2011Natur.478..506B. doi:10.1038/nature10549. PMC 3690193. PMID 21993626.
- Bramanti, Barbara; Stenseth, Nils Chr; Walløe, Lars; Lei, Xu (2016). "Plague: A Disease Which Changed the Path of Human Civilization". Advances in Experimental Medicine and Biology. 918: 1–26. doi:10.1007/978-94-024-0890-4_1. ISBN 978-94-024-0888-1. ISSN 0065-2598. PMID 27722858.
- Brotton, Jerry (2006). The Renaissance: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-280163-5.
- Byrne, J. P. (2004). The Black Death. London: Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0-313-32492-5.
- Chase, Marilyn (2004). The Barbary Plague: The Black Death in Victorian San Francisco. Random House Digital. ISBN 978-0-375-75708-2.
- Cohn, Samuel K. (2008). "Epidemiology of the Black Death and Successive Waves of Plague". Medical History. 52 (27): 74–100. doi:10.1017/S0025727300072100. PMC 2630035. PMID 18575083.
- Cohn, Samuel K. (2010). "Black Death, social and economic impact of the". In Bjork, Robert E. (ed.). The Oxford Dictionary of the Middle Ages. Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/acref/9780198662624.001.0001. ISBN 978-0-19-866262-4.
- Christakos, George; Olea, Ricardo A.; Serre, Marc L.; Yu, Hwa-Lung; Wang, Lin-Lin (2005). Interdisciplinary Public Health Reasoning and Epidemic Modelling: the Case of Black Death. Springer. ISBN 978-3-540-25794-3.
- Davis, Robert (2004). Christian Slaves, Muslim Masters: White Slavery in the Mediterranean, the Barbary Coast and Italy, 1500–1800. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 1-4039-4551-9.
- Dean, Katharine R.; Krauer, Fabienne; Walløe, Lars; Lingjærde, Ole Christian; Bramanti, Barbara; Stenseth, Nils Chr; Schmid, Boris V. (2018). "Human ectoparasites and the spread of plague in Europe during the Second Pandemic". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 115 (6): 1304–09. doi:10.1073/pnas.1715640115. ISSN 0027-8424. PMC 5819418. PMID 29339508.
- Deleo, Frank R.; Hinnebusch, B Joseph (2005). "A plague upon the phagocytes". Nature Medicine. 11 (9): 927–928. doi:10.1038/nm0905-927. PMID 16145573. S2CID 31060258.
- Dick, HC; Pringle, JK; Sloane, B; Carver, J; Wisneiwski, KD; Haffenden, A; Porter, S; Roberts, D; Cassidy, NJ (2015). "Detection and characterisation of Black Death burials by multi-proxy geophysical methods" (PDF). Journal of Archaeological Science. 59: 132–41. doi:10.1016/j.jas.2015.04.010. Archived (PDF) from the original on 18 July 2018. Retrieved 8 December 2018.
- Echenberg, Myron (2007). Plague Ports: The Global Urban Impact of Bubonic Plague: 1894–1901. Sacramento: New York University Press. ISBN 978-0-8147-2232-9.
- Gasquet, Francis Aidan (1893). The Great Pestilence AD 1348 to 1349: Now Commonly Known As the Black Death. ISBN 978-1-4179-7113-8.
- Gasquet, Francis Aidan (1908) . The Black Death of 1348 and 1349 (second ed.). London: George Bell and Sons.
- Gilbert, MTP; Cuccui, J; White, W; Lynnerup, N; RW Titball; A Cooper; MB Prentice (2004). "Absence of Yersinia pestis-specific DNA in human teeth from five European excavations of putative plague victims". Microbiology. 150 (2): 341–54. doi:10.1099/mic.0.26594-0. PMID 14766912.
- Green, Monica H. (2014). "Taking "Pandemic" Seriously: Making the Black Death Global". The Medieval Globe. 1: 27–61. doi:10.17302/TMG.1-1.3. Archived from the original on 8 April 2016.
- Green, Monica H. (2018). "Putting Africa on the Black Death map: Narratives from genetics and history". Afriques (9). doi:10.4000/afriques.2125.
- Gottfried, Robert S. (2010) . Black Death. Simon and Schuster. ISBN 978-1-4391-1846-7.
- Gould, George Milbry; Pyle, Walter Lytle (1896). "Historic Epidemics". Anomalies and Curiosities of Medicine. Blacksleet River. ISBN 978-1-4499-7722-1. Archived from the original on 12 September 2008. Retrieved 3 May 2020.
- Haddock, David D.; Kiesling, Lynne (2002). "The Black Death and Property Rights". The Journal of Legal Studies. 31 (S2): 545–587. doi:10.1086/345566. S2CID 53133473.
- Haensch, Stephanie; Bianucci, Raffaella; Signoli, Michel; Rajerison, M; Schultz, M; Kacki, Sacha; Vermunt, M; Weston, DA; Hurst, D; Achtman, M; Carniel, E; Bramanti, B (2010). "Distinct Clones of Yersinia pestis Caused the Black Death". PLOS Pathogens. 6 (10): e1001134. doi:10.1371/journal.ppat.1001134. PMC 2951374. PMID 20949072.
- Hatty, Suzanne E.; Hatty, James (1999). Disordered Body: Epidemic Disease and Cultural Transformation. State University of New York Press. ISBN 978-0791443651.
- Hays, J. N. (1998). The burdens of disease: epidemics and human response in western history. Rutgers University Press. ISBN 0-8135-2528-4.
- Hays, J. N. (2005). Epidemics and pandemics: their impacts on human history. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 1-85109-658-2.
- Hecker, J. F. C. (1859). B. G. Babington (trans) (ed.). Epidemics of the Middle Ages. London: Trübner.
- Herlihy, D., (1997). The Black Death and the Transformation of the West, Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press.[ISBN missing]
- Horrox, Rosemary (1994). The Black Death. Manchester: Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-0-7190-3498-5.
- Issawi, Charles Philip (1988). The Fertile Crescent, 1800–1914: a documentary economic history. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-504951-9.
- Karlsson, Gunnar (2000). Iceland's 1100 years: the history of a marginal society. London: C. Hurst. p. 111. ISBN 978-1-85065-420-9.
- Kelly, John (2005). The Great Mortality: An Intimate History of the Black Death, the Most Devastating Plague of All Time. Harper Collins Publishers. ISBN 0060006927.
- Kraut, Alan M. (1995). Silent travelers: germs, genes, and the "immigrant menace". Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 978-0-8018-5096-7.
- Moore, R. I. (1987). The Formation of a Persecuting Society. Oxford. ISBN 0-631-17145-2.
- Morelli, Giovanna; Song, Yajun; Mazzoni, Camila J.; Eppinger, Mark; Roumagnac, Philippe; Wagner, David M.; Feldkamp, Mirjam; Kusecek, Barica; Vogler, Amy J.; Li, Yanjun; Cui, Yujun; Thomson, Nicholas R.; Jombart, Thibaut; Leblois, Raphael; Lichtner, Peter; Rahalison, Lila; Petersen, Jeannine M.; Balloux, Francois; Keim, Paul; Wirth, Thierry; Ravel, Jacques; Yang, Ruifu; Carniel, Elisabeth; Achtman, Mark (2010). "Yersinia pestis genome sequencing identifies patterns of global phylogenetic diversity". Nature Genetics. 42 (12): 1140–43. doi:10.1038/ng.705. PMC 2999892. PMID 21037571.
- Munro, John (2004), "Before and After the Black Death: Money, Prices, and Wages in Fourteenth-Century England" (PDF), New Approaches to the History of Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe, The Royal Danish Academy of Sciences and Letters, pp. 335–364
- Nauert, Charles G. (2006). The A to Z of the Renaissance. Scarecrow Press. ISBN 978-1461718963.
- Netzley, Patricia D. (1998). Life During the Renaissance. San Diego: Lucent Books, Inc. ISBN 978-1560063759.
- Nirenberg, David (1998). Communities of Violence. Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-05889-X.
- Parker, Geoffrey (2001). Europe in crisis, 1598���1648. Wiley-Blackwell. ISBN 0-631-22028-3.
- Payne, Stanley G. (1973). A History of Spain and Portugal, Volume 1. University of Wisconsin Press.
- Porter, Stephen (2009). The Great Plague. Amberley Publishing. ISBN 978-1-84868-087-6.
- Rascovan, Nicolás; Sjögren, Karl-Göran; Kristiansen, Kristian; Nielsen, Rasmus; Willerslev, Eske; Desnues, Christelle; Rasmussen, Simon (2018). "Emergence and Spread of Basal Lineages of Yersinia pestis during the Neolithic Decline". Cell. 176 (1–2): 295–305.e10. doi:10.1016/j.cell.2018.11.005. ISSN 1097-4172. PMID 30528431.
- Rasmussen, Simon; Allentoft, ME; Nielsen, K; Orlando, L; Sikora, M; Sjögren, KG; Pedersen, AG; Schubert, M; Van Dam, A; Kapel, CM; Nielsen, HB; Brunak, S; Avetisyan, P; Epimakhov, A; Khalyapin, MV; Gnuni, A; Kriiska, A; Lasak, I; Metspalu, M; Moiseyev, V; Gromov, A; Pokutta, D; Saag, L; Varul, L; Yepiskoposyan, L; Sicheritz-Pontén, T; Foley, RA; Lahr, MM; Nielsen, R; Kristiansen, K; Willerslev, E (2015). "Early Divergent Strains of Yersinia pestis in Eurasia 5,000 Years Ago". Cell. 163 (3): 571–82. doi:10.1016/j.cell.2015.10.009. PMC 4644222. PMID 26496604.
- Roosen, Joris; Curtis, Daniel R. (2018). "Dangers of Noncritical Use of Historical Plague Data". Emerging Infectious Diseases. 24 (1): 103–10. doi:10.3201/eid2401.170477. Archived from the original on 16 June 2019.
- Samia, N. I.; Kausrud, K. L.; Heesterbeek, H.; Ageyev, V.; Begon, M.; Chan, K.-S.; Stenseth, N. C. (2011). "Dynamics of the plague–wildlife–human system in Central Asia are controlled by two epidemiological thresholds". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 108 (35): 14527–14532. Bibcode:2011PNAS..10814527S. doi:10.1073/pnas.1015946108. PMC 3167548. PMID 21856946.
- Scheidel, Walter (2017). The Great Leveler: Violence and the History of Inequality from the Stone Age to the Twenty-First Century. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0691165028.
- Schmid, Boris V. (2015). "Climate-driven introduction of the Black Death and successive plague reintroductions into Europe". Proc Natl Acad Sci USA. 112 (10): 3020–25. Bibcode:2015PNAS..112.3020S. doi:10.1073/pnas.1412887112. PMC 4364181. PMID 25713390.
- Schuenemann, VJ; Bos, K; DeWitte, S; Schmedes, S; Jamieson, J; Mittnik, A; Forrest, S; Coombes, BK; Wood, JW; Earn, DJD; White, W; Krause, J; Poinar, H (2011). "Targeted enrichment of ancient pathogens yielding the pPCP1 plasmid of Yersinia pestis from victims of the Black Death". PNAS. 108 (38): E746–E752. Bibcode:2011PNAS..108E.746S. doi:10.1073/pnas.1105107108. PMC 3179067. PMID 21876176.
- Sloane, Barney (2011). The Black Death in London. London: The History Press Ltd. ISBN 978-0-7524-2829-1.
- Snowden, Frank M. (2019). Epidemics and Society: From the Black Death to the Present. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-19221-6.
- Spyrou, Maria A.; Tukhbatova, Rezeda I.; Wang, Chuan-Chao; Valtueña, Aida Andrades; Lankapalli, Aditya K.; Kondrashin, Vitaly V.; Tsybin, Victor A.; Khokhlov, Aleksandr; Kühnert, Denise; Herbig, Alexander; Bos, Kirsten I. (2018). "Analysis of 3800-year-old Yersinia pestis genomes suggests Bronze Age origin for bubonic plague". Nature Communications. 9 (1): 2234. Bibcode:2018NatCo...9.2234S. doi:10.1038/s41467-018-04550-9. ISSN 2041-1723. PMC 5993720. PMID 29884871.
- Spyrou, Maria A; Keller, Marcel; Tukhbatova, R. I.; Scheib, = CL; EA Nelson; A Andrades Valtueña; GU Neumann; D Walker; A Alterauge A; N Carty; C Cessford; H Fetz; M Gourvennec; R Hartle; M Henderson; K von Heyking; SA Inskip; S Kacki; FM Key; EL Knox; C Later; P Maheshwari-Aplin; J Peters; JE Robb; J Schreiber; T Kivisild; D Castex; S Lösch; M Harbeck M; A Herbig; KI Bos; J Krause (2019). "Phylogeography of the second plague pandemic revealed through analysis of historical Yersinia pestis genomes". Nature Communications. 10 (4470): 4470. Bibcode:2019NatCo..10.4470S. doi:10.1038/s41467-019-12154-0. PMC 6775055. PMID 31578321.
- Sussman, George (2011). "Was the black death in India and China?". Bulletin of the History of Medicine. 85 (3): 319–55. doi:10.1353/bhm.2011.0054. PMID 22080795. S2CID 41772477. Archived from the original on 20 May 2012. Retrieved 14 May 2012.
- Tignor, Robert; Adelman, Jeremy; Brown, Peter; Elman, Benjamin; Liu, Xinru; Pittman, Holly; Shaw, Brent (2014). Worlds Together, Worlds Apart, Volume 1: Beginnings to the 15th Century. New York, London: W.W Norton & Company. ISBN 978-0-393-92208-0.
- Tuchman, Barbara (1978). A Distant Mirror. Knopf. ISBN 0-394-40026-7.
- Wagner, David M; Klunk, J.; Harbeck, M.; Devault, A.; N. Waglechner; J. W. Sahl; J. Enk; D. N. Birdsell; M. Kuch; C. Lumibao; D. Poinar; T. Pearson; M. Fourment; B. Golding; J. M. Riehm; D. J. D. Earn; S. DeWitte; J.-M. Rouillard; G. Grupe; I. Wiechmann; J. B. Bliska; P. S. Keim; H. C. Scholz; E. C. Holmes; H. Poinar (2014). "Yersinia pestis and the Plague of Justinian 541–543 AD: a genomic analysis". The Lancet Infectious Diseases. 14 (4): 319–26. doi:10.1016/S1473-3099(13)70323-2. PMID 24480148.
- Walløe, Lars (2008). "Medieval and Modern Bubonic Plague: some clinical continuities". Medical History. Supplement. 27 (27): 59–73. doi:10.1017/S0025727300072094. PMC 2632865. PMID 18575082.
- Welford, Mark; Bossak, Brian H. (2010). "Revisiting the Medieval Black Death of 1347–1351: Spatiotemporal Dynamics Suggestive of an Alternate Causation". Geography Compass. 4 (6): 561–75. doi:10.1111/j.1749-8198.2010.00335.x.
- Wheelis, Mark (2002). "Biological Warfare at the 1346 Siege of Caffa". Emerging Infectious Diseases. 8 (9): 971–75. doi:10.3201/eid0809.010536. PMC 2732530. PMID 12194776.
- Ziegler, Philip (1998). The Black Death. Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0-14-027524-7. 1st editions 1969.
- Zuchora-Walske, Christine (2013). Poland. North Mankato: ABDO Publishing. ISBN 978-1-61783-634-3.
- Alfano, Vincenzo, and Manuela Sgobbi. "A fame, peste et bello libera nos Domine: An Analysis of the Black Death in Chioggia in 1630." Journal of Family History (2021): 03631990211000615.
- Armstrong, Dorsey (2016). The Black Death: The World's Most Devastating Plague. The Great Courses. ASIN B01FWOO2G6.
- Bailey, Mark. After the Black Death: Economy, society, and the law in fourteenth-century England (Oxford University Press, 2021).
- Barker, Hannah. "Laying the Corpses to Rest: Grain, Embargoes, and Yersinia pestis in the Black Sea, 1346–48." Speculum 96.1 (2021): 97-126.
- Cantor, Norman F. (2001). In the Wake of the Plague: The Black Death and the World It Made, New York, Free Press.[ISBN missing]
- Cohn, Samuel K. Jr., (2002). The Black Death Transformed: Disease and Culture in Early Renaissance Europe, London: Arnold.[ISBN missing]
- Crawford, Dorothy (2018). Deadly Companions: How Microbes Shaped Our History. Oxford University Press.
- Dols, Michael Walters. The black death in the Middle East (Princeton UP, 2019).
- Dols, Michael W. "The comparative communal responses to the Black Death in Muslim and Christian societies." Viator 5 (1974): 269–288.
- Dols, Michael W., and John Norris. "Geographical Origin of the Black Death." Bulletin of the History of Medicine 52.1 (1978): 112+.
- Duncan, Christopher John, and Susan Scott. "What caused the black death?." Postgraduate medical journal 81.955 (2005): 315–320. online
- Green, Monica H. "The Four Black Deaths" American Historical Review (Dec 2020) 125#5 pp 1601–1631. abstract
- McNeill, William H. (1976). Plagues and Peoples. Anchor/Doubleday. ISBN 978-0-385-11256-7.
- Pamuk, Şevket. "The Black Death and the origins of the ‘Great Divergence’across Europe, 1300–1600." European Review of Economic History 11.3 (2007): 289–317. online
- Scott, S., and Duncan, C. J., (2001). Biology of Plagues: Evidence from Historical Populations, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.[ISBN missing]
- Shrewsbury, J. F. D., (1970). A History of Bubonic Plague in the British Isles, London: Cambridge University Press.[ISBN missing]
- Twigg, G., (1984). The Black Death: A Biological Reappraisal, London: Batsford.[ISBN missing]
|Wikimedia Commons has media related to Black Death.|